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The Anti-Spiritual Pollution Campaign () was a political campaign spearheaded by conservative factions within the Communist Party of China that lasted from October 1983 to December 1983. In general, its advocates wanted to curb Western-inspired liberal ideas among the Chinese populace, a by-product of nascent economic reforms begun in 1978. Spiritual Pollution has been called "a deliberately vague term that embraces every manner of bourgeois import from erotica to existentialism," and is supposed to refer to "obscene, barbarous or reactionary materials, vulgar taste in artistic performances, indulgence in individualism" and statements that "run counter to the country's social system" according to Deng Liqun, the Party's Propaganda Chief at the time of the campaign.〔(Battling "Spiritual Pollution", Nov. 28, 1983, by Pico Iyer )〕 The campaign reached a climax in mid November 1983 and largely faded into obscurity into 1984 after intervention from Deng Xiaoping. However, elements of the campaign were rehashed during the "anti-Bourgeois liberalization" campaign of the late 1980s against liberal party general secretary Hu Yaobang.〔("Just in Time!": China Battles Spiritual Pollution on the Eve of 1984, Thomas B. Gold, ''Asian Survey'', Vol. 24, No. 9 (Sep., 1984), pp. 947-974 )〕 ==Origins== The campaign against spiritual pollution can be said to have its origins in the Twelfth Party Congress held in September 1982, during which Deng Xiaoping stated his intention to continue China's march towards economic modernization and liberalization, a process that he initiated in 1978. Attempting to maintain balance between the conservative and moderate factions in the Party, Deng tempered his emphasis on continued economic development with a call to build up China's "socialist spiritual civilization" so as to preserve it socialist ideological orientation and protect against the unwanted societal impacts of "bourgeois liberalism," which had begun trickling in since the policy of opening up began in 1978.〔Richard Baum. "The Road to Tiananmen." In The Politics of China (second edition): The Eras of Mao and Deng. (Cambridge University Press: 1997), p 348.〕 During the Party Congress, Hu Yaobang warned that "capitalist forces and other forces hostile to our socialist cause will seek to corrupt us and harm our country," and exhorted Party members to hold true to communist ideals and discipline. The Twelfth Party Congress also laid the foundations for the establishment of a new constitution, approved by the National People's Congress in December of the same year. The constitution rejected ultra-left ideology of the Mao era, and provided for greater protection of citizens' dignity and civil liberties, and advocated for an orderly, institutionalized and accountable system of justice. The new constitution carried significant caveats, however; it specified, for instance that citizens' freedom of privacy and correspondence were protected, except in cases where it was of interest to the state.〔Tony Saich. "The fourth constitution of the People's Republic of China," Review of Socialist Law 9.2 (1983), pp 113-24.〕 Following the revisions to the constitution at the end of 1982, critical academic discourse grew. Scholars called for greater respect for human dignity and freedoms, and for a reconciliation of socialist and humanist ideals. By the spring of 1983, calls for a more humanist society were reaching a crescendo, with scholars very openly criticizing the excesses of the socialist dictatorship.〔Baum,"The Road to Tiananmen," p 352〕 Although some Chinese officials, including Deng Liqun, saw some value in the writings of the humanist intellectuals, by the June 1983, fears were growing that criticism of this nature had the potential to severely undermine the political and ideological basis for the Communist Party's legitimacy. In June 1983, Zhao Ziyang delivered an address at the opening of the Sixth National People's Congress warning against the growing liberal tendencies in academic and artistic circles, and criticized such trends as being representative of a decadent ideology at odds with the goals of socialism. Zhao linked trends in writing and artistic circles to rising instances of crime, murder, rape, and corruption, blaming the growing crime rate on "political and ideological apathy." He called on law enforcement to commence a strike-hard campaign to suppress counterrevolutionaries and criminal activities.〔Zhao Ziyang, "Report on the work of the government," 4 July 1983.〕 Following Zhao's speech, conservative Party journals began linking the recent crime wave with the scholarly discourse on humanism. The editors of ''Red Flag'', for instance, declared that "Various kinds of crime are bound to occur where the influence of bourgeois extreme individualism...is still present. () If we speak of 'mercy' and 'humanism,' it will be a great dereliction of our duty...to the cause of socialism."〔Red Flag (Hongqi) 17 (1 September 1983)〕 抄文引用元・出典: フリー百科事典『 ウィキペディア（Wikipedia）』 ■ウィキペディアで「Anti-Spiritual Pollution Campaign」の詳細全文を読む スポンサード リンク
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